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banks that refuse to lend to women entrepreneurs because they pre-judge them to be credit risks;
judges who think women get raped through their own fault; and
states that define women as minors under the guardianship of men or as second-class citizens with fewer rights than men.
Gender is a key organising principle in the distribution of labour, property and other valued resources in society.
These forms of gender disadvantage show how cultural norms and beliefs are also found in the supposedly impersonal domains of markets, states and civil society.
Conclusion
Gender is a key organising principle in the distribution of labour, property and other valued resources in society. Unequal gender relationships are sustained and legitimised through ideas of difference and inequality that express widely held beliefs and values about the ‘nature’ of masculinity and femininity. Such forms of power do not have to be actively exercised to be effective. They also operate silently and implicitly through compliance with male authority both in the home and
outside it. For example, if the senior male in the household or lineage has the main responsibility for members’ welfare, he usually also has privileged access to its resources. Women, and junior men, accept his authority partly in recognition of his greater responsibilities and partly because they have less bargaining power.
While institutionalised norms, beliefs, customs and practices help to explain the distribution of gender resources and responsibilities in different social groups, they are clearly not unalterable. This is shown by the significant changes in work patterns that have occurred in the last quarter of the twentieth century. Female labour force participation rates have risen in most countries, while male rates have often stagnated or even declined. Various factors have played a role in different regions, including:
greater impoverishment in some places and rapid growth in others;
demographic transition and falling birth rates;
rising rates of education;
public policy;
socialist egalitarianism;
economic liberalisation; and
greater integration into the global economy.
While institutionalised norms, beliefs, customs and practices help to explain the distribution of gender resources and responsibilities in different social groups, they are clearly not unalterable.
Nevertheless, gender inequalities persist. They help explain why regions with extreme forms of patriarchy continue to have lower rates of female labour force participation than can be explained by their levels of per capita income. They may also help to explain some of the regional variations in the relationship between gender equality and economic growth noted in the previous chapter. Indeed, the use of religion as a variable noted in Dollar and Gatti’s analysis may simply be picking up regionally clustered institutions of ‘extreme patriarchy’, of which religion is only one aspect.
These more resilient aspects of patriarchy may also help to explain the positive relationship found by Seguino between gender inequality in wages and rates of economic growth. She suggests that institutions in patriarchal societies reinforce the
internalisation of social norms that favour men. Thus political resistance and therefore the costliness of gender inequality are reduced. For example, the state in the Republic of Korea condoned the marriage ban – the widespread practice by employers to make women quit work on marriage – that limited women’s job tenure, organisational ability and potential for wage gains. This explanation is also supported by a study of women’s labour market experiences in seven Asian countries (see box 3.7).
Gender inequality in areas such as education, wages and legal infrastructure is . . . related to broad regional variations in patriarchal regimes . . .
Box 3.7 The Importance of Enforcing Rights to Gender Equality
A study of women in the labour market in India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, the Republic of Korea and Thailand notes that differences in patriarchal organisation helped explain why Japan and the Republic of Korea, despite their high rates of economic growth, have lower rates of female labour force participation than the Philippines and Thailand. Women had higher relative pay and made greater inroads into higher paying occupations in the latter two countries. Of the five countries where women had lower relative pay, India, Japan and the Republic of Korea had equal pay laws while the latter two had also recently enacted strong equal-opportunity legislation. The institution of formal rights in support of gender equality is an important message about social values. However, legislation is clearly not sufficient on its own to bring this about and makes little difference if not enforced. Public action in the form of strong civil society organisations, including an active women’s movement, is necessary to ensure such laws are translated into practice.
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women participation in politics lawal shehu | Oct 8th, 2010
women needs to be involved in political administration of their respective constituencies where information about their problems will be heard and addressed by the appropriate institution not necessarily the government but the voluntary institutions who cares about women.
AN HERBAL REMEDY FOR HERPES Mercy Junior | Apr 3rd, 2020
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