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Working hours are on average shorter in industrialised than in developing countries, and shorter in urban areas of developing countries than in rural. Yet women work longer hours than men in every case.
Finally, data on gender differences in time allocation show what is occurring in the non-market economy alongside changes in the market economy. They highlight a different, and persisting, dimension of gender inequality. Working hours are on average shorter in industrialised than in developing countries, and shorter in urban areas of developing countries than in rural. Yet women work longer hours than men in every case. The extent of the difference varies considerably. Women work just 10 per cent longer than men in rural Bangladesh, where they spend 35 per cent of their total work time in System of National Accounts (SNA) activities. In Kenya, on the other hand, they work 35 per cent longer and spend 42 per cent of their work time in SNA activities. Women’s longer working day – and the extent to which it exceeds that of men – may reflect the difference between situations where seclusion restricts their economic activities and those where they are expected to participate in production. In any case, women continue to put in long hours of unpaid work into the reproductive economy regardless of their role in the productive economy.
Classifying Gender Constraints
This chapter has provided an institutional explanation of gender inequality. It has focused on the organisation of family and kinship, but has also pointed to the relevance of the wider institutions of markets, states and civil society as ‘bearers of gender’. This section looks at different categories of gender constraint – those reflecting kinship and family systems and those reflecting the wider institutional environment. These are gender-specific constraints, gender-intensified constraints and imposed forms of gender disadvantage. They provide a background to the analysis of the relationship between gender inequality and poverty that occupies the rest of this book.
Gender-specific constraints
These reflect the rules, norms and values that are part of the social construction of gender. They vary among particular social groups in particular contexts and the way these groups define masculinity and femininity. Ideas about, for example, male and female sexuality, purity and pollution, female seclusion and the ‘natural’ aptitudes and predisposition of men and women all help to explain differences in what is permitted to men and to women in different cultures.
Gender-intensified constraints . . . reflect the uneven distribution of resources and opportunities between women and men in the household.
Gender-intensified constraints
These reflect gender inequalities in resources and opportunities. Class, poverty, ethnicity and physical location may also create inequalities but gender tends to make them more severe. Gender-intensified constraints are found in, for example, workloads, returns to labour efforts, health and education and access to productive assets (see box 3.7). They reflect the uneven distribution of resources and opportunities between women and men in the household. Where resources are scarce, women find themselves at a greater disadvantage than male members of the family. Some inequalities may be the result of community norms, such as customary laws governing inheritance. Others arise from decisions in the household, often because females are seen as having less value than males.
Box 3.7 An Example of Gender-intensified Constraints from Uganda
In Uganda, women produce 80 per cent of the food and provide about 70 per cent of total agricultural labour. An assessment of poverty in the country showed how women’s gender-specific domestic responsibilities interact with household poverty to increase their disadvantages in farming. Women are mainly found in the unpaid subsistence sector and perform their agricultural tasks without the use of technological innovations, inputs or finance. While it is true that many of these problems also apply to poor male farmers, men are not constrained by competing claims on their labour time.
Imposed forms of gender disadvantage
These reflect the biases, preconceptions and misinformation of those outside the household and community with the power to allocate resources. These institutional actors may actively reproduce and reinforce custom-based gender discrimination. Examples include:
employers who refuse to recruit women or only recruit them in stereotypically ‘female’ – and hence usually the most poorly paid – activities;
trade unions and professional associations that define their membership rules in ways that discourage the membership of women workers and professionals;
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that treat women as dependent clients rather than active agents;
religious associations that define women as somehow lesser than men, refusing to let them become priests or to read the holy texts;
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women participation in politics lawal shehu | Oct 8th, 2010
women needs to be involved in political administration of their respective constituencies where information about their problems will be heard and addressed by the appropriate institution not necessarily the government but the voluntary institutions who cares about women.
AN HERBAL REMEDY FOR HERPES Mercy Junior | Apr 3rd, 2020
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