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‘Core workers’. They are in full-time employment, often unionised and protected by state provision. Some may be unemployed but they may still have some security in the form of state unemployment assistance.
The elite is likely to be smaller and much less wealthy in the poorer countries than in the richer countries. The second and third groups also represent a far smaller proportion of the total
work force in developing countries than in Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries. They are likely to have shrunk even further with the downsizing of the public sector in the wake of SAPs.
Comparing women’s labour force participation around the globe is problematic, and the difficulty of capturing often irregular, casual forms of work in the informal economy is compounded by the different definitions used in measurement.
Meanwhile, the informalised workforce – which has little stability of work, social security provision or state regulation – has expanded. It makes up more than 80 per cent in low-income countries and around 40 per cent in middle-income countries. The informal economy has its own hierarchy, distinguishing those with some degree of security in their lives from those without any:
Owners of some land or capital. They are in a position to hire labour on their farms or in their enterprises.
Waged workers in some form of regular employment. They often work in medium-sized enterprises, or on plantations or commercial farms.
Own-account workers, with little or no capital. They rely on their own or family labour.
Casual labourers and home-based workers. They are either unpaid family workers or disguised wage workers who earn a fraction of their directly employed counterparts.
A category of ‘detached’ labour. They eke out a living from various stigmatised occupations: prostitution, pimping, recycling trash, picking pockets, begging and so on. They not only lack any formal ties to the state, pension and insurance markets, but may also have lost their place in kin or community structures.
Gender and labour force participation in the 1980s and 1990s
Comparing women’s labour force participation around the globe is problematic, and the difficulty of capturing often irregular, casual forms of work in the informal economy is compounded by the different definitions used in measurement. The discussion here uses the conventional definition (i.e. activities done for pay or profit). While this does not fully capture women’s contribution to the economy, nor show what is happening in the unpaid economy, it reveals the restrictions
Table 3.1: Estimated Economic Activity Rate of Women and Female Percentage of the Labour Force
Table 3.1: Estimated Economic Activity Rate of Women and Female Percentage of the Labour Force (continued)
Source: The World’s Women 1970–1990: Trends and Statistics
Source: 2001 World Development Indicators
that women face in terms of paid work relative to men and how these vary across the world. It also has something important to say about the pattern of women’s work in recent decades and the extent to which the geography of gender difference in labour market participation has changed from that observed by Boserup.
The most striking features of labour force participation patterns in the last few decades are: (a) the rise in the percentage of women in the labour force; and (b) the accompanying increase in their share of overall employment. In almost every region, there are now many more women involved in the visible sectors of the economy (see Table 3.1). In addition, women’s participation has increased faster than men’s in almost every region except Africa, where it was already high. With a stagnating or, in some cases, decreasing male labour force, gender differences in labour force participation have shrunk in many regions.
[W]omen’s [labour force] participation has increased faster than men’s in almost every region except Africa, where it was already high.
These changes reflect a number of factors:
Demographic transition (i.e. the change from high to low rates of births and deaths) in most regions and a decline in fertility rates have allowed many more women to go out to work.
The increasing enrolment of young men in secondary and tertiary education, as well as the growing availability of pensions for older men, partly explain diminishing male participation.
The changing nature of labour markets has resulted in what can be described as a ‘double feminisation’ of the labour force internationally. Women have increased their share of employment while employment itself has started to take on some of the ‘informalised’ characteristics of work conventionally associated with women.
Another major change in patterns of work in recent decades has been in the distribution of the labour force between different sectors of the economy. Only in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa has female labour remained largely concentrated in the agricultural sector. East and South-East Asian countries, by contrast, are characterised by high levels of female labour force participation and by a more even distribution of female labour across agriculture, industry and services (see Table 3.2). Women made up over a third of the labour in each sector during 1970–1990, with their representation increasing in ‘services’ over this period. There is of course variation across the region (see box 3.4).
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women participation in politics lawal shehu | Oct 8th, 2010
women needs to be involved in political administration of their respective constituencies where information about their problems will be heard and addressed by the appropriate institution not necessarily the government but the voluntary institutions who cares about women.
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