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These have in turn given rise to regional differences in the gender division of labour between production and reproduction, paid and unpaid work, and the domestic and public domains.
[The] different rules, norms and values [that] govern the gender division of labour and the gender distribution of resources, responsibilities, agency and power . . . are critical elements for understanding the nature of gender inequality in different societies.
Regional differences mean not only that women and men participate in their national economies differently from each other, but also that these differences are not uniform across the world. Two factors are particularly important for the extent to which women play a role in the wider economy, the scope of their agency and their access to socially valued resources:
1. how corporate the unit is around which the household economy is organised (i.e. the extent to which resources and efforts are managed and allocated on a joint basis); and
2. how rigid the ‘public-private’ divide is, and hence women’s degree of public mobility and opportunities for direct economic participation.
Research from a variety of social science disciplines suggests that there are a range of household types associated with distinct ‘regional patriarchies’. These have particular patterns of land inheritance, marital practices, economic activity and welfare outcomes.
There are a range of household types associated with distinct ‘regional patriarchies’. These have particular patterns of land inheritance, marital practices, economic activity and welfare outcomes.
Asia
Despite variations in women’s public mobility and labour force participation across the region, ‘Asian’ households are generally organised along corporate lines, usually centred on the conjugal relationship.
Western Asia, South Asia and East Asia
The most marked forms of gender inequality in the region are associated with regimes of extreme forms of patriarchy. These include the belt stretching from North Africa and western Asia across the northern plains of South Asia, including Bangladesh and Pakistan. They also take in the countries of East Asia – China, Japan, Republic of Korea and Taiwan. These countries clearly have widely differing economies, histories, cultures and religions. However, they have certain historical similarities in how family, kinship and gender relations are organised and in patterns of female economic activity.
Kinship structures in these regions are predominantly patrilineal: descent is traced and property transmitted through the male members. Marriage tends to be exogamous and patrilocal: women marry outside their kin and often outside their village community, leaving their own homes at marriage to join their husband’s family. Households are organised along highly corporate lines, with strong conjugal bonds and cultural rules that emphasise male responsibility for protecting and provisioning women and children. Household resources and income are pooled under the management and control of the male patriarch. The payment of dowry by the bride’s family to the groom is the norm in the northern plains of India, though not necessarily elsewhere in East or western Asia.
Female chastity is emphasised (with severe penalties for any transgression). This is considered essential to ensure that property is transmitted based on biological fatherhood. Female sexuality is controlled through a strong public-private divide, with women secluded in the private domain. While the practice of ‘purdah’ is usually associated with Muslim societies, female seclusion based on norms of honour and shame is also practiced by Hindus, particularly the upper castes. Restrictions on female mobility, patrilineal inheritance and patrilocal marital practices have meant the economic devaluation of women and their overall dependence on men in much of this region. ‘Son preference’ is also marked.
Boserup pointed to the extremely low percentages of women in agriculture and trade in western Asia, North Africa and Pakistan, which she called ‘male farming systems’. Female family labour did not exceed 15 per cent of the total agricultural labour force (with the exception of Algeria, Tunisia and Turkey). Women made up less than 10 per cent of the labour force in trade in South and western Asia, and less than one-
Women in agriculture, Jordan
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION
third in East Asia and areas of Chinese influence (Hong Kong, Singapore, Republic of Korea and Taiwan). In China, too, prior to the revolution, only 7 per cent of the Chinese labour force in trade were women. However, Boserup also noted variations to the pattern within the region. In South Asia, for example, women’s participation in trade varied from 2–6 per cent in Bangladesh, the northern plains of India and Pakistan to around 17 per cent in the southern states of India.
Somewhat less rigid gender relations are found in the way kinship and family are organised in South-East Asia . . . and, to some extent, the southern states of India and Sri Lanka.
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women participation in politics lawal shehu | Oct 8th, 2010
women needs to be involved in political administration of their respective constituencies where information about their problems will be heard and addressed by the appropriate institution not necessarily the government but the voluntary institutions who cares about women.
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