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Along with these changes, there are still signs of the earlier regional pattern in female activity. Rates of female labour force participation were lowest in the belt of ‘extreme’ patriarchy, both in 1970 and in 1990, with the smallest increases recorded for the Arab countries of the Middle East.
Gender and hierarchies in the labour market
The increasing presence of women in paid work, and their greater share of employment, does not mean that gender inequalities have disappeared. It is also important to know where women and men are located in the social hierarchy of the market place. In other words, information on where women are relative to men in the pyramid of production depicted in Fig. 2.1 has to be supplemented by information on where they are in the social pyramid depicted in Fig. 3.2.
In countries where there are large numbers of women in the formal economy, they tend to be under-represented at the higher levels and over-represented in those lower down.
The percentages of both women and men in waged and salaried work – those most likely to work outside the home – are high in the industrialised countries of the OECD, in Eastern Europe, in Latin America and the Caribbean and in East Asia. Involvement in unpaid family work is low for both women and men in these regions. The picture is more uneven in South-East Asia, with high involvement in the waged economy in Malaysia, but lower involvement in Indonesia, the Philippines and Thailand. It is generally low in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, but with important differences in women’s economic activity. Women in South Asia (and in other regions of extreme patriarchy) continue to be concentrated in unpaid family work (over 60 per cent of the female work force) while in sub-Saharan Africa, percentages of women in unpaid family work are generally below 60 per cent. The rest are distributed between self-employment and, in a few countries, in waged employment (see box 3.6).
Measuring economic activity in the informal economy is particularly difficult and it varies considerably across the world. In India, for example, formal, protected employment accounts for around 10 per cent of overall employment, but only 4 per cent of female employment. Women’s share of formal employment, however, increased from 12 per cent in 1981 to 15 per cent in 1995.
Both formal and informal markets continue to be segmented by gender. In countries where there are large numbers of women in the formal economy, they tend to be under-represented at the higher levels and over-represented in those lower down. In Morocco, for example, 38 per cent of the total labour force is in ‘professional and technical’ and ‘administrative’ work, but only 10 per cent of the female labour force is in
these categories. In East Asia, South-East Asia and the English-speaking Caribbean, women’s participation in clerical, sales and services; production and transport; and agriculture, hunting and forestry is fairly high. However, they are generally under-represented in management and administration. In South Asia, women are concentrated in agriculture/forestry but less well represented in other sectors. There is a generally low representation of women in the labour force in the Middle East and North Africa, with Morocco reporting higher rates than the rest of the region.
Box 3.6 Female Employment in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America
In sub-Saharan Africa, women’s share of employment in the formal economy between 1970 and 1985 rose from 6 per cent to 25 per cent in Botswana, from 1.5 per cent to 6 per cent in Malawi, from 9 per cent to 20 per cent in Swaziland and from 0.6 per cent to 2 per cent in Tanzania. In Zambia, only 7 per cent of formal wage employment was female. In Guinea-Bissau, women accounted for 3.6 per cent of formal sector employment.
In Latin America, the percentage of the female labour force in formal sector employment was generally high in the 1980s, varying between 32 per cent in Paraguay, 41 per cent in Ecuador, 52 per cent in Chile, 53 per cent in Brazil, 59 per cent in Argentina and 61 per cent in Panama. However, these rates, and the apparent increase they represent over those prevailing in the 1970s, may be somewhat misleading. This is because they are inflated by the inclusion of women working in micro-enterprises, most of which operate in the informal economy.
From 1950 onwards, there has been a systematic rise in female labour force participation in Latin America. One of the most striking features of this has been the increasing share of ‘white collar’ (professional and technical) employment in almost every major city in the region. In Chile, women made up half this workforce. However, for the majority of poorer women, oppor-
tunities are more limited. In Mexico, women’s workforce participation since the early 1990s has increased steadily while that of men has decreased. Gender differences in participation rates have thus declined in both urban and rural areas (particularly in non-agricultural self-employment). Between 1991 and 1995, women made up 68 per cent of the increase in this sector, and 90 per cent in rural areas. However, only women with secondary or higher levels of education were in salaried employment.
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women participation in politics lawal shehu | Oct 8th, 2010
women needs to be involved in political administration of their respective constituencies where information about their problems will be heard and addressed by the appropriate institution not necessarily the government but the voluntary institutions who cares about women.
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