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As might be expected, along with these similarities there are important differences in the social organisation of kinship and gender relations across the African sub-continent, and even in the same country. The organisation of gender relations in Uganda varies from region to region, but is generally strongly patrilineal and patriarchal structures predominate, with women’s economic autonomy and independent access to land being relatively more constrained than elsewhere in East Africa. Under customary law and practice in Uganda, women were minors without adult legal status or rights. In general, in much of eastern and southern Africa, women’s labour contribution tends to be subsumed in the cultivation of ‘household
fields’ over which men have ultimate control. However, studies from Zambia report evidence of jointly managed fields as well as fields individually managed by both sexes.
In parts of West Africa on the other hand (e.g. Burkina Faso, the Gambia, Ghana and Nigeria), women generally have usufruct rights to separate holdings through their husband’s lineage. Both women and junior men also provide labour on household fields that are controlled by the compound head. These domestic groups are characterised by strong lineage ties and weak conjugal ties. Moreover, women enjoy direct access to land in matrilineal areas, many of which are also in West Africa (including Côte d’Ivoire, southern Ghana, Malawi and Zambia), as well as in areas of Muslim influence. Matrilineality means married women are able to retain links with their families of origin and gain access to land as members of their own lineage groups. As a result, their obligations are not limited to the conjugal unit but extend to natal family networks.
Women enjoy direct access to land in matrilineal areas, many of which are also in West Africa . . . , as well as in areas of Muslim influence.
In addition, there are more polygamous marriages in West and central Africa (with over 40 per cent of currently married women in such unions). The equivalent figures are 20–30 per cent in East Africa and 20 per cent or less in southern Africa. Polygamy contributes to a pattern of separate (rather than pooled) spousal budgets, assets and income flows and may include separate living arrangements. Women exercise considerable economic agency in the family structure and are not dependent on their husbands in the way that they are in much of South Asia.
Latin America and the Caribbean
Countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have experienced very different histories and patterns of economic development within three broad cultural traditions: indigenous, Hispanic and Afro-Caribbean. This has led to considerable diversity in their household arrangements. Nevertheless, many of the countries share certain features in common, including the intersection of colonialism and slavery, and large urban populations (around 70 per cent).
The region belongs to the weaker corporate end of the spectrum. The Spanish and Portuguese colonisers introduced their own version of the public-private divide into Latin America,
associating men with the calle (street) and women with the casa (home). However, this division is far stronger among the upper classes in areas with Hispanic, and hence Roman Catholic, influence. It is far less often found among the black and indigenous populations. While legal marriage may be the social ideal, as well as the norm in many parts of the region, there is a high incidence of consensual or visiting unions. In some areas of Latin America, this appears to reflect partly indigenous antecedents and partly the precariousness of marriage when male mobility is an integral part of economic strategies. In the Caribbean, it reflects the impact of slavery, which weakened ties between children and their fathers as slave children became the property of their mother’s owner. One result of this is a high number of female-headed households, as well as complex extended households made up of children from different unions.
Boserup noted that women’s economic activity in the public domain varied across the [Latin American and Caribbean] region. There were higher rates in populations with a strong African or Asian presence than in countries on the Atlantic coast where the Spanish influence is stronger.
Boserup noted that women’s economic activity in the public domain varied across the region. There were higher rates in populations with a strong African or Asian presence than in countries on the Atlantic coast where the Spanish influence is stronger. The region as a whole is characterised by low levels of female economic activity in rural areas and higher levels in urban areas. Women tend to be more active in agriculture in the Caribbean region, where there are more smallholder farms, than in Latin America. Large-scale plantation agriculture, and the fact that commoditisation and mechanisation have gone further in Latin American agriculture than elsewhere in the Third World, explain why it is less significant as a source of overall as well as of female employment. However, women are active in trade throughout the region and also dominate in the flows of migration into urban areas. This is an indication of the lack of strict restrictions on women’s mobility.
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women participation in politics lawal shehu | Oct 8th, 2010
women needs to be involved in political administration of their respective constituencies where information about their problems will be heard and addressed by the appropriate institution not necessarily the government but the voluntary institutions who cares about women.
AN HERBAL REMEDY FOR HERPES Mercy Junior | Apr 3rd, 2020
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