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| Evolution of Maoism in Nepal : Understanding Maoist Insurgency from Wider Perspective |
 PRINTABLE VERSION |
2. Timeline of events
Since 1996, the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) has been waging a “people’s war” to establish a communist republic in place of the constitutional monarchy. It is a manifestation of ideology intertwined with old age grievances resulting from inequalities embedded in the Nepali social structure. The inequality stemmed from the poverty, caste/ethnic/gender – based discrimination, political/ social oppression and corruption in public office which have contributed to the deprivation and marginalization of people, especially those of the lower rungs of the socio-economic ladder. The rebellion was localized in the Mid-Western Region and was quite indolent until 2001. In July 2001, a cease-fire was declared that was held until November 2001. When talks failed and fighting resumed a State of Emergency was declared. The fighting then entered a new phase of much greater intensity. Before November 2001, approximately 2700 people had been killed in the previous five years; between November 2001 and October 2002, 4366 people were killed.
In May 2002 Prime Minister Deuba dissolved the Parliament when it would not extend the emergency. In July 2002 the terms of all elected officials in Nepal ran out and the Prime Minister did not extend their term. In October 2002, King Gyanendra dismissed the Prime Minister and took over the executive powers. Since then the various political parties have refused to cooperate with the king’s government.
In January 2003, a cease-fire has been brokered between the king and the Maoists. The Maoist insurgency took a dark turn when rebel leaders walked out of peace talks with the government. Violence has increased considerably since that time; the country is virtually in a state of near civil war with killing going between the Maoist rebels and government security forces with ordinary people often caught in their cross-fires. Apparently both sides have realized the need for negotiated settlement but peace talks still seem remote.
3. Root causes of conflict
“There is widespread consensus as to the root causes of the conflict. The main grievances, all closely related to each other, are inequitable socio-economic and political access, bad governance/corruption and poverty. These issues are used by the Maoists to justify their challenge to the government, and all contribute to motivate certain sectors of the population to join or at least support their movement and cause.”
The new political order set up after 1990 failed to include all sections of Nepali society and the nationalities and Dalits (untouchable caste) remained, and they felt they were, outside both mainstream politics and the reach of development programs. Traditional regional disparities continued and far flung areas like the districts of Karnali Zone remained under-represented in politics, planning and the development processes. Meanwhile, the gap between the people in the villages and the cities and between the rich and the poor continues to widen. In the 90’s Nepal experienced relative prosperity in urban areas but the redistribution of wealth and opportunities remained skewed resulting in increased unemployment.
It did not take long for the insurgency launched simultaneously in three mid-western mountain districts of Rolpa, Rukum, Jajarkot, Gorkha in the West, and Sindhuli in the east to spread. By 2000, Maoist violence had affected all districts and by mid January 2001 the Maoists declared the formation of provisional revolutionary district governments in Rukum, Jajarkot, Sallyan and Rolpa districts. There are many theories on why the influence spread as fast as it did. Some attribute the spread of rebel influence to the involvement and support of hitherto excluded groups – mainly women, nationalities and the Dalits – but there is not enough evidence to isolate this as main reason. As noted by the Saubhagya Shah, the epicenter of the insurgency, the Rapti Zone in the mid-western Nepal is not the most backward region in the country. He argues that “if social and economic marginalization alone were responsible for the emergence of the Maoist Movements the hill districts of Karnali, Seti and Mahakali zones would be far more likely candidates, not only because of their grinding poverty and chronic food shortage but also because of the nature of their terrain and their remoteness from the state centers. Even though it is difficult to generalize what is almost clear now is that the spread of Maoist influence has strong social and economic roots including the exclusion of the poor and the marginalized by the State as opposed to it being only and ideological and “law and order problem”, or “terrorism” which was the initial government response to this conflict.
From one perspective, the Maoist movement, or insurgency, in its mid-western stronghold areas can be seen as a renewal of an old confrontation between the Thakuri Raj and the radical left. The Thakuris (descendants of the rulers of the old principalities) and their clients had long dominated this area and the nature of their rule at local level was repressive. This was in accord with the authoritarian regime at the center during the party less Panchayat system (1962-1990). Even after the restoration of democracy in 1990 the former Panchas survived reviving their power base under a new guise by responding to the Nepali Congress’s Policy of incorporating the traditional social and political elites in its schemes of party building. However, the sense of popular empowerment that spread after the successful 1990 Jana Andolan (People’s Movement of 1990s) introduced a new power against the traditional forces. Both the CPN (UML) and the CPN (Maoist, formerly the UPF) emerged as the most influential left forces in the people’s fight against various forms of the Thakuri Raj in this region. The equation among the left forces has changed in favor of the CPN (Maoist) as a consequence of the UML’s movement from the left towards the center while the Congress Party is constantly heading towards the right from the center in the political spectrum of the country. The local Thakuri, centrist alliances in the mainstream parties, has never been strong under the democratic set-up, and it deteriorated during the period of hung parliament (November 1994 to May 1999). Because politics were concentrated at the center in the game of government making and unmaking the parliamentary parties grossly ignored the need for the party building at the grassroots level. This was the most appropriate time for a long drawn-out people’s war.
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Writer Profile
Manish Thapa
I am Manish Thapa from Nepal. I was born in 6th March 1981.I am pursuing Advanced International Study Program in Peace and Conflict Studies in European University Center fro Peace Studies (EPU), Austria, under Austrian Development Cooperation Fellowship.
I contribute regularly in Nepal Samacharpatra Daily (Nepali Daily Newspaper). Basically in Samacharpatra, I report about Development Issues and Human rights issues. I also contribute regularly in various development journals like Development Insight and Development Journal of Nepal.
I am also member of Vienna based International Press Institute (IPI) which is the global Body of International Press. IPI Nepal National Coordination Committee is working in Nepal to maintain Free, Fair and Ethical Journalism Practices.
Beside journalism, I am also running a Youth NGO called Youth Advocacy Group (YAG). YAG is a youth led NGO and I am serving as its President. YAG works with more than 10.000 youths in Nepal on different issues. YAG is a forum for youths of Nepal. Here in YAG we promote Youth Advocacy and Activism. Beside this we also run awareness campaigns on Sexual Reproductive Health, HIV/AIDS, Skill Based Training, Youth Empowerment Initiatives, Youth Journalism Project etc. On YAG, I am basically involved in formulating its plans and policies, fundraising activities and involved in training young people about Journalism.
I am also serving as Consultant (Program & Research) in Social Promotion and Integrated Development Center. Social Promotion and Integrated Development Center (SPIDC) is leading women led NGO in Nepal. I am consulting them on the issues related to Women Empowerment Activities and giving them training on Advocacy of Women Empowerment Issues at a national level.
I am actively involved with Taking IT Global Project (TIG). I am a active member of TIG and involved in many projects led by TIG such as Global Youth Advocacy Network (GYAN), "Speak Up for 2015 Campaign", MDG Asia Pacific Group etc.
Time to time, I involve myself in a consultancy job in various INGOs and UN organization. Recently I involved in UNFPA project called Reproductive Health Initiative For Youths in Asia (RHIYA) to write a booklet on “Meeting Generation Gap in Sexual Reproductive Health” and “Advocacy Leaflet on Sensitizing Sexual Reproductive Health Issues”.
I am currently involved with Mountain Resources Management Group an INGO with their Peace and Development Initiatives by preparing them various literatures on the Issues of peace and development. MRMG is working with The Carter Center of USA to initiate Peace Talks between the Government and the Maoist. The entire campaign is lead by President Jimmy Carter of USA.
So these are some of my activities on which I am currently engaged in. So summarizing my profile I can simply regard me myself as a Journalist, Youth Activist and a Development worker.
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