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Articles 9 and 7 of the Constitution of Pakistan prohibits arbitrary arrests and torture and prescribes that no one can be detained for more than twenty-four (24) hours without being charged and produced in a Court of Law. Plethora of international laws, U N Conventions and Treaties also contain these provisions, which are respected in many parts of the world while totally disregarded in Pakistan, particularly in case of those who speak against the injustice and undemocratic government in the country. Statements under duress are unlawful and taken purely for victimising political opponents in Pakistan.
Why is the state of human rights so bad in Pakistan?
For the development and protection of human rights, people's participation in decision-making is vital. Where people have no role in governance, the state of human rights will remain abominable. Also, 'human rights' is not one indicator. Human rights cover a broad range of concerns. Sometimes you may see improvement in one sector and deterioration in another. On the whole, the main issue in Pakistan is, unless the people get due say in running the affairs of the state, the condition of human rights cannot be improved.
How do you see the future of democracy in Pakistan?
Pakistan doesn't have democracy. We have only the facade of democracy. The Prime Minister or the Foreign Minister Kasuri have no say, nor can they exercise power.
Prior to taking over power, Musharraf was calling the Pakistani democracy a sham democracy. He claimed he wants to bring the real one. All Pakistani dictators said the same thing. They think Pakistan needs a democracy which they can guide. Our dictators want to define democracy in their own way and then support that democracy, which suits them and serves their interests.
I believe that without a genuine workers' democracy, there is no future for the working class in Pakistan. The capitalist democracy has not delivered and it failed again and again in Pakistan. Capitalist politicians cannot conceive a democracy without the support of the military. We think military domination has to end if democracy has to survive in Pakistan.
Does Musharraf have an exit strategy?
No he does not. He thinks if he remains head of the army nobody will throw him out. He fails to remember that army chiefs in Pakistan have not had a very nice life. Yahya Khan went to Ayub and told him, 'Go home sir' and he had to.
General Gul Hasan went to Yahya and said, 'Go home sir,' and he had to. General Zia died and if he was killed it had to be by his own men.
General Asif Nawaz died and again if he was killed it is because his own men wanted a change. Gen Karamat resigned and Musharraf himself was about to be killed in a plane crash.
In Pakistan's history other dictators have used the referendum to remain in power. This is an old trick. General Zia-ul Haq did the same. General Ayub did the same. By a fraudulent referendum Musharraf declared himself elected. He claimed that on the basis of the Supreme Court's verdict he has got powers to amend the constitution. On the basis of that dubious law he passed a Legal Framework Order and amended the constitution in August 2002.
The effect of that order is that it virtually rewrites the constitution in major areas like parliamentary democracy, federalism in Pakistan, and judiciary and its powers. We are very disturbed. The whole purpose behind the exercise was to keep himself in power.
What do you think of the status of women and minorities in Pakistan?
Women in Pakistan are considered half of men legally and traditionally. I am for equal rights for women in all fields. I think that the state has to take dramatic measures to improve the conditions of women. I demand to repeal all discriminatory laws, which make women half and inferior to men. The religious minorities of Pakistan are subject to all sorts of discriminatory laws. In fact, they are considered second-class citizens. They are normally framed in different cases on religious grounds. They are given inferior jobs like cleaning and so on. They are treated like untouchables. I stand for an immediate repeal of all discriminatory laws, including the blasphemy laws. Religious minorities should be offered special quotas in all the jobs created nationally. They should be given special attention in the field of education, health and information technology.
What are your comments on the rise of fundamentalism, and the impact of Taliban's defeat on Pakistan?
The rise of fundamentalism in Pakistan is, in fact, a vote of no-confidence of the working people in capitalist and feudal parties. It is the failure of these parties in power, which has given rise to religious fanaticism. Religious fanaticism is an expression of total degeneration of the society into extreme conservative traditions. The rise can also be blamed on the narrow immediate interests of the ruling classes and of military regimes in Pakistan.
The defeat of the Taliban in Afghanistan will affect the strategies of the military regime in Pakistan in immediate terms. But you cannot kill any ideas by force. I see that in future, the extreme fanatics might go underground, but the serious religious parties like Jamaate Islami and Jamiat Ulema Islam will grow in their influence and electoral basis. They might fetch an unprecedented vote in the next general elections if allowed to take part in the elections.
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Writer Profile
Aftab Khan
25 years old Electronics & Computer System Engineer by Education and an activist of Human rights and Women Rights. Presently living in exile in Sweden since october 2003 due to the involvment in a campaign against the injustice in the society and undemocratic Military Government in Pakistan
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Comments
Nice Interview Henry Ekwuruke | Jul 15th, 2006
Hi Aftab,
You have captured and told the story and I feel like burying my head on the ground, but noticing that my body would be outside I moved into the house and slept. I wish you well
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