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Democracy, fifteen years ago, we hardly knew the meaning of the world in reference to the former Soviet Union. Granted, we hoped that change was on the way through Mikhail Gorbachev and his policy of perestroika (restructuring), but it was still just that: a hope. Now, three years into a new century, we have become accustomed to Russia as more or less a democratic state that respects human rights and has denounced its Communist past. In short, it was a Western success story; the epitome of Communism operating under the system of its former rivals.
Perhaps this is why recent events in Russia have been so troubling. The increasing secretiveness of the Putin regime, the nationalization of key media outlets, the interference by the Kremlin in recent elections and the arrest of Russian billionaire Mikhail Khodorkovsky are all reminiscent of the type of authoritarianism that Russia has tried to rid itself of. Indeed, it seems that President Vladimir Putin’s love for power is forcing him to gamble with the fledgling democratic institutions of the new Russian Federation.
Over the three years of the presidency of Vladimir Putin (an ex-KBG officer), Moscow has been getting more and more tight-fisted when it comes to information. When the Kursk, a Soviet-era submarine sank in the Barents Sea in late 2000, the Kremlin refused international help in rescuing the 118 crew members. Three years later, after all 118 perished, family members are still bereft of answers and in the dark. No one knows why the Kursk sank, and Russian citizens doubt that the Kremlin will ever choose to divulge such information. Moscow is equally quiet about the hostage situation in October 2002, where 118 hostages died due to the gas that Russian Special Forces used to put the Chechen terrorists to sleep. Again, another 118 families with no answers. A disturbing sign from a democratic country.
Another serious sign that democratic government in the Russian Federation may be short-lived is the frequent nationalization of media outlets that oppose the Kremlin. The last independent national television network, TVS, was shut down in June 2003 by Moscow. TVS, a station highly critical of the Kremlin was taken over by the government in 2001, and its owner was forced to leave the country. However, Vladimir Putin does not seem to have any qualms with independent media – so long as they are supportive of his actions.
President Putin has also shown himself not opposed to interference in important elections to ensure that his interests are represented. His preferred candidate for the governorship of St Petersburg (Valentina Matvienko) won, but only after Mr Putin illegally supported her in public and used his control of the national media to increase her coverage. It also seems that the Kremlin made its choice known in the Chechnyan presidential elections – Akhmad Kadyrov, once the Moscow-appointed administrator of the region, won hands down. The Kremlin would like us to overlook the fact, however, that his opponents were brutalized and murdered in the months running up to the election. This is a scene suggestive of the 2000 election in Zimbabwe, not an upstanding member of the G8.
Finally, if we examine the recent arrest of Mikhail Khodorkovsky, Russia’s richest man and owner of Yukos (the largest Russian oil company), we are further assured of Mr. Putin’s taste for power. While at first glance the arrest of Mr. Khodorkovsky for tax evasion and fraud seem meritorious, a deeper examination seems to demonstrate that the billionaire’s only crime was his increasing interest in federal politics and his funding of opposition parties.
When all the pieces of the puzzle are put together, Vladimir Putin looks no longer like the stalwart leader of a democratic Russia. Instead, one might mistake him for an African strongman, consolidating his power in all aspects of daily life – or even a Soviet leader, better placed in the 1970s than today. He is keeping necessary information from his electorate, controlling the media with an iron fist, rigging elections in his favor, and slowly eliminating his political opponents.
These are all very chilling signs from a so-called democratic republic. For these reasons, we must focus international pressure on the regime of Mr. Putin and pull him back into the democratic world. The Russian Federation, the largest nation in Europe and Asia and home to over 140 million people must not fall back into the clutches of authoritarian rule. We have come too far to give up so easily.
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Ian Beacock
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Comments
Justine | Dec 19th, 2003
Wow Ian. Another amazing piece. (lol poor Kristen)
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