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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License.
The European [Re] Union: A Realist's Idealism Printable Version PRINTABLE VERSION
by Terhemba Aindigh, Nigeria Mar 27, 2007
Globalization   Opinions
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“My kids, their friends and the people… want to believe in Europe but they want to believe in a Europe that has beliefs, values, a vision.” “Whatever else people disagree upon in Europe today, they at least agree on one point: Europe is in the midst of a profound debate about its future.” “The European project is never finished. And even if something seems to have been tried and failed, there is always a chance to try – and fail? – again” The endless tales of Europe’s setbacks are yawn-inspiring, to say the least. Nevertheless, my primary concern today is not so much about ‘what’ has gone wrong as about ‘how’ to keep the European dream alive.

It is barely sunrise in the 21st century and from the look of recent occurrences, the EU has definitely woken up on the wrong side of the bed: an identity crisis; a communication or image problem; snail's pace economic growth rates; the unemployment palaver; lack of political will, unity, and proper organization, to name a few, constitute a combined threat to consign the utility of Europe’s soft power to the dustbin of history. The EU seems to be drawing inspiration from a brand new motto: "have no fear of perfection - you'll never reach it." And because it has become common to assume that today’s challenges far outweigh yesterday’s successes, Europe embraces the logic of doing its best and leaving the rest. But if Joseph Woods' idea of logic being the art of going wrong with confidence had not triggered some redefinition of the many questions that seek answers, then the doses of realism meted out by rising euro sceptics – great at getting answers but without the slightest idea what the questions are – would have sounded the death knell on every available sense of perseverance. I also read through those details that blur the distinctions between outright pessimism and undisputable fact, where it was argued that "rhetoric should not replace reality as to Europe's capabilities to emerge as a major power, even in the medium to long term," and all I could do was wonder.

After almost 50 years of peace, prosperity and progress, Europe’s has been a lifetime largely emblematic of political achievement. Much recently, however, the inability to adequately utilize its strong arm of economic heft has obviously produced adverse effects on Europe’s general state of being. From a distance, I watched pathetically as this situation deteriorated into the subordination of Europe to the strong waves of globalization. The Europe I used to know would rather have it the other way round. Not too much has changed though. Other than an old-time friend across the Atlantic whose phenomenal resilience has secured him a fragile overall dominance, and a few hitherto up-and-coming powers from Asia (have no doubt, they have come) who have suddenly kept the world at alert, the prospects of converting Europe’s crisis into opportunity could have been everything but bleak – that is, of course, if the EU even had the ‘courage’ to take it. The good news is that despite the quandary arising from the French and Dutch-sponsored ‘No!’; a pre-modern budget that finds wisdom in bankrolling some unity in diversity; a hardly justifiable CAP that places Europe as the barrier to worldwide poverty eradication; a defence policy where ‘a philosophical virtue’ is being made ‘of a very practical necessity’ ; the disconnection between Brussels and the citizens that has shut out the voice of the pragmatic European; and globalization that might as well keep forging ahead evidently invulnerable to our inabilities to keep pace, the EU can now grab this golden opportunity to prove that it is not *hiding behind events to keep out of sight of their meanings.

Whatever the diagnosis may have been, the desperation with which remedies have been sought to cure Europe has seen so many ambitious declarations popping up under the auspices of schemes such as the Lisbon Agenda. If considered along with Europe’s large representation even in elite clubs like the G8, OECD, it is hard to fathom how “the most dynamic and competitive knowledge-based economy in the world” can materialize in four years from now by employing the dual forces of ‘over-representation’ and ‘under-achievement’. Even the most passive observer will testify to the fact that “the high-minded words” contained in the Agenda, as Andrew Scott points out, “have not been accompanied by the structural reforms needed for stable growth in the long-term.” It is sad enough to find that the perception of a mostly elite-driven EU has resulted in a crisis of legitimacy, but when consolation is sought by failing to deliver on commitments made to a people that feel increasingly marginalized, then such incompetence, ordinarily incompatible with the front line role the EU seeks to play on the international scene, arouses suspicions of an Europe destitute of visionary leadership. A dogged desire to simply make pronouncement on propositions ‘for the record’, having little or no consideration for practical implications and the complexities of political responsibility, has seen an European transition from radical attack (which gave impetus to the ‘Europeanization of the world’ soon after the Industrial Revolution) to mediocre defence (imagine responses to the effects of China’s textile exports last year). This in turn does little to relate tangible and concrete means to specific ends in recognized problem areas. Hence, the question at this point ought to be, not which the superior model to follow is, but which elements of every single model can effectively be applied to each different case.





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Terhemba Aindigh


Terhemba Aindigh is currently with the Nigerian National Youth Service Corps. Having obtained a first degree in International Relations at Covenant University, Nigeria, with a flair for writing professionally, Terhemba enjoys making commentaries on issues that command worldwide relevance.

His essays have earned him an enviable reputation both nationally and internationally. Some of his writings have ensured his active participation in international conferences like the prestigious St. Gallen Symposium, South American Business Forum, and the Model World Trade Organization. He has also been awarded for exceptional writing by the World Bank and the World Federation of United Nations' Associations.

Most recently, Terhemba was announced as one of the 15 winners of an international essay, video and poster competition sponsored by the World Federation of United Nations Associations. This ensured his participation in the Students for a Nuclear Weapons-Free World Seminar, held at the United Nations Secretariat in Geneva, Switzerland. Consequently, he and the other winners were inspired to birth a global anti-nuclear weapons youth network.

As a founding member of the Students for a Nuclear Weapons-Free World Youth Initiative, Terhemba and his colleagues have taken up the immense responsibility to help in realizing a world free of nuclear weapons.

At present, he is doing what he loves to do best: writing more essays to compete in the likes of the Japanese Foreign Trade Council and Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library essay competitions, amongst others.

His ultimate ambition is to attain the heights of great men like Kofi Annan, who have made no little contribution to ensuring that our world is peaceful and just.
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